Archibald Maule Ramsay
The Nameless War
In my Statement to the Speaker and Members of the House of Commons concerning my detention (see Appendix 1) I summed up at the end of Part 1, the considerations which led me to inspect the secret U.S. Embassy papers at Mr. Tyler Kent's flat in the last weeks of Mr. Chamberlain's Premiership.
The first two of these six considerations were as follows:
Together with many members of both Houses of Parliament, I was fully aware that among the agencies both here and abroad, which had been actively engaged in promoting bad feeling between Great Britain and Germany, organised Jewry, for obvious reasons, had played a leading part.
I knew the U.S.A. to be the headquarters of Jewry, and therefore the real, though not apparent, centre of their activities. It was not until 1948 that corroborative evidence of the foregoing from unimpeachable American sources came into my hands; but when it did come, however, the authentic and fully documented character of the work left nothing to be desired.
I refer to the book by Professor Charles Beard entitled President Roosevelt and the Coming of the War 1941, which was published by the Yale University Press in April 1948. This book, which comes with all the authority of its eminent author, is nothing less than a tremendous indictment of President Roosevelt on three main issues.
Firstly, that he got himself elected on the strength of repeated promises, to the effect that he would keep the U.S.A. out of any European war; secondly, that he incessantly and flagrantly disregarded not only his promises to the American people, but all the laws of neutrality; thirdly, that at a predetermined moment he deliberately converted this cold war, which he had been conducting, into a shooting war, by sending the Japanese an ultimatum, which no one could imagine could result in anything but immediate war.
From many instances given relating to the first issue, I quote one:
"At Boston on October 30th, 1940, he (F.D.R.) was even more emphatic, for there he declared:'I have said this before, but I shall say it again and again and again: Your boys are not going to be sent into any foreign wars';
Professor Beard goes on to prove that while Mr. Roosevelt was making these speeches, he was treating international laws of neutrality with total disregard, and in the interests only of those who were fighting the Jews' battles. The two main forms of non-shooting intervention were the convoying of U.S. ships of ammunition and supplies for the allies, and the Lend Lease Act.
Whatever be our sentiments in appreciating the help of the U.S. arsenals and navy under these two cold war decisions of Mr. Roosevelt, no one can pretend that they were either in accordance with his pledges to the American people, or the fundamentals of international law regarding neutrality.
Some very plain speaking went on in Congress over these acts of the President's. Representative U. Burdick, of North Dakota, said:
"All our aid to Britain may mean anything . . . To sell her supplies is one thing . . . to sell her supplies and convoy them is another thing, to have actual war is the last thing — the last thing is inevitable from the first thing!"
Representative Hugh Paterson, of Georgia, said:
"It is a measure of aggressive war."
Representative Dewey Short, of Missouri, said:
"You cannot be half-way in war, and half-way out of war . . . You can dress this measure up all you please (Lend-Lease), you can sprinkle it with perfume and pour powder on it . . . but it is still foul and stinks to high heaven."
Representative Philip Bennett, of Missouri, declared:
"This conclusion is inescapable, that the President is reconciled to active military intervention if such intervention is needed to defeat the Axis in this war.
Professor Beard proves the third point at great length, showing how at the appropriate moment President Roosevelt forced the Japanese into war by an ultimatum demanding instant compliance with terms, which could never have been accepted by any country.
"The memorandum which Senator Hull, with the approval of President Roosevelt, handed to Japan on 26th November, 1941 . . . amounted to the maximum terms of an American policy for the whole Orient."
writes Professor Beard, and goes on to say:
"It required no profound knowledge of Japanese history, institutions, and psychology to warrant . . . first that no Japanese Cabinet 'liberal or reactionary,' could have accepted the provisions."
and again later:
"The Japanese agent regarded the American memorandum as a kind of ultimatum. This much at least Secretary Hull knew on November 26th."
Thus was the period of maximum intervention short of a shooting war terminated, and a save-face forged for Roosevelt to ship U.S. boys overseas without apparently breaking the spirit of his many promises.
As the war proceeded the real policy and sympathies of the President became more and more apparent. His deception of the British and their Allies was no less flagrant than his deception of the American people.
As Professor Beard points out on page 576:-
"The noble principles of the Four Freedoms, and the Atlantic Charter were for practical purposes discarded in the settlements, which accompanied the progress and followed the conclusion of the war.
To the validity of this statement the treatment of the people of Esthonia, Lithuania, Poland, Roumania, Yugoslavia, China, Indo-China, Indonesia, Italy, Germany and other places of the earth bear witness."
Some great driving force was clearly at work to induce a President of the United States so to act.
We have seen from a previous chapter that it was not the preservation of the British Empire, nor the French Empire, nor the Dutch, that swayed the President. On the contrary, he had advised his ardent lieutenant, Mr. Churchill, at an early stage in the cold war that these must be liquidated.
It was not Europe, nor the countries of Europe, nor their liberties, nor rights under the Atlantic Charter of Four Freedoms which weighed with him.
We know now that the British and American armies were actually halted by General Ike Eisenhower under Mr. Roosevelt's rulings at the Yalta Conference, so that the Red Army of Jewish Bolshevism might overflow half Europe and occupy Berlin.
To quote again from Professor Beard:
"As a consequence of the war called necessary to overthrow Hitler's despotism,' another despotism was raised to a higher pitch of power."
In conclusion, Professor Beard condenses the many indictments of the President set forth in his book, into 12 major counts, and declares:
"If these precedents are to stand unimpeached, and to provide sanctions for the continued conduct of America affairs — the Constitution may be nullified by the President and officers who have taken the oath and are under moral obligation to uphold it.
When we reflect upon the astounding contents of Professor Beard's book, and consider them in conjunction with the revelations in Colonel Roosevelt's As He Saw It, the question arises: whom, and which interests did President Roosevelt not betray.
To this query I can only see one answer, namely, those people and their interests who planned from the start the use of United States arsenals and Forces to prosecute a war which would annihilate a Europe which had freed itself from Jewish gold and revolutionary control: people who planned to dissolve the British Empire, to forge chains of unrepayable debt, wherewith to coerce Britain to this end; and to enable the Soviets to "bestride Europe like a colossus,"* in other words, International Jewry.
*These very words were used by General Smuts, who added words to the effect that he welcomed such a prospect. It should be remembered that General Smuts was formerly chief legal adviser to the Zionist Organisation in S. Africa.
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