Archibald Maule Ramsay

The Nameless War

Statement by Capt. Ramsay from Brixton Prison

to the Speaker and Members of Parliament concerning his detention

under Paragraph 18B of the Defence Regulations.

All the particulars alleged as grounds for my detention are based on charges that my attitude and activities in opposition to Communism, Bolshevism, and the policy of organised Jewry were not genuine, but merely a camouflage for anti-British designs.

In the following memorandum, which could be greatly expanded, I have given a minimum of facts, which prove that not only was my attitude genuine, open, and unvarying during the whole of my time in the House of Commons, but that in the course of my researches I had accumulated numerous and conclusive facts compelling such an attitude, and leading logically to the formation of the Right Club, an essentially patriotic organisation.

During the whole of my time as M.P. (since 1931) I have kept up an open and unremitting attack on Bolshevism and its allies. Indeed, I had already started this opposition long before I became an M.P.

The following survey will show this; and also the eventual formation of the Right Club as the logical outcome of my work.

This work falls into three phases.

During the first, dating from soon after the Russian Revolution till about 1935, I supposed the powers behind Bolshevism to be Russian: In the second (1935-38) I appreciated that they were International: By the third phase, I realised them to be Jewish.


It was always a mystery to me in Phase I why Russians spent so much time and money on revolutionary activities in Britain.

My first active step was to speak in the election made famous by the publication in the Daily Mail of the letter written by Zinoviev alias Apfelbaum, calling for revolution in Britain. (I spoke against Bolshevism, and in the Northwich division.)

On being elected in 1931, I joined the Russian Trade Committee, which kept a watch on their activities here. I also joined the Council of the Christian Protest Movement, founded to protest against the outrages on priests, nuns, and the Christian churches committed by the Bolsheviks. Hansard will show that I asked many questions during this period, attacking their activities in this country.


In Phase II, I recognised the forces behind Bolshevism not to be Russian, but international.

I tried to picture the composition of that mysterious body, the Comintern, over whom, according to the replies to my Parliamentary questions, the Soviet Government could exercise no control.

In the latter end of this phase I had made sufficient progress with this mental picture of the Comintern, that I made it the subject of a number of addresses, which I gave to Rotary Clubs and other societies in London, Edinburgh, and elsewhere, entitling them frequently, "Red Wings Over Europe."

This second phase lasted well into the Spanish Civil War. Recognising almost at once the guilt of the Comintern in the whole affair, down to the International Brigade, I attacked them continuously by a stream of questions in the House.

The attitude of the entire British national Press at first amazed, and subsequently helped to enlighten me, as to the real powers behind World Revolution. The press presented General Franco's enemies as liberal and Protestant reformers, instead of the anti-God international revolutionaries they were.

Officials of the Russian Cheka were actually in charge of the prisons on the Red side. McGovern established all the main facts in his pamphlet, Red Terror in Spain.

I organised parades of sandwich-men at this time to expose the Bolshevik guilt in Spain, assisted a paper called The Free Press, and did what propaganda I could. Some eighty or ninety M.P.s subscribed at one time or another to these efforts.

In September 1937 I accepted the Chairmanship of the United Christian Front Committee, on behalf of Sir Henry Lunn.

Thereafter many thousands of letters were sent out over my signature to leading people in the Kingdom, appraising them of the true facts of the war in Spain, and urging Christians of all communities to join in combating the Godless Red Terror, that threatened Spain then, and thereafter all Europe, Britain included.

A number of patriotic societies now began to co-operate regularly with me in this work against Bolshevism, including the National Citizens' Union, the British Empire League, the Liberty Restoration League, and the Economic League. We took to meeting regularly ina Committee Room of the House of Commons.

In May 1936, when I set out to oppose the entry into this country of agents of the Comintern for attending the so-called Godless Congress, we were joined by the British Bible Union, the Order of the Child, and the British Israel World Federation.

From information given me by these societies, I realized that the previous Godless Congress, held at Prague, had brought under unified control all the National Free-Thinker societies, who were now under the authority of the Militant Godless of Russia, and were therefore a subtle and potent weapon for Bolshevik propaganda.

At our meetings to co-ordinate opposition, we all agreed that while it was perhaps the right of British men and women to hold a Congress on any subject, this liberty should not be construed into licence for international revolutionaries to develop their plans for the destruction of the religious, social and public life of our country.

On the 28th June, therefore, I introduced a Bill entitled the ALIENS' RESTRICTION (BLASPHEMY) BILL, to prevent aliens from attending this Congress, or making it the occasion for the distribution of their blasphemous literature.

The Bill received a first reading by 165 votes to 134. In the No Lobby were Messrs. Rothschild, G.R. Strauss, T. Levy, A.M. Lyons, Sir F. Harris, D.N. Pritt, W. Gallacher, Dr. Haden Guest and Dr. Summerskill.

In the autumn of 1938 I was made acquainted with the fact that the power behind World Revolution was not just a vague body of internationalists, but organized World Jewry.

The first document so convincing me was actually a British Government White Paper, of whose existence I had not been previously aware. This quoted verbatim an extract from a report received by Mr. Balfour on September 19th, 1918, from Mr. Oudendyke, the Netherlands Minister in Petrograd, who was at that time in charge of British interests there, as follows:

"The danger is now so great, that I feel it my duty to call the attention of the British Government and all other Governments to the fact that if an end is not put to Bolshevism at once the civilization of the whole world will be threatened. This is not an exaggeration, but a matter of fact . . .

I consider that the immediate suppression of Bolshevism is the greatest issue before the world, not even excluding the war which is still raging, and unless as above stated Bolshevism is nipped in the bud immediately it is bound to spread over Europe and the whole world in one form or another, as it is organized and worked by Jews, who have no nationality and whose one object it is to destroy for their own ends the existing order of things.

The only manner in which this danger can be averted would be collective action on the part of all the Powers."

Almost as remarkable as the above quotation was the fact brought to my notice simultaneously, namely, that this White Paper had been immediately withdrawn, and replaced by an abridged edition, from which these vital passages had been eliminated. I was shown the two White papers-the original and the abridged issue, side by side.

The second document which came to my notice at this time was the booklet entitled, The Rulers of Russia, written by Dr. Dennis Fahey, C.S.S.P., and bearing the imprimatur of the Archbishop of Dublin, dated the 26th March, 1938. In the opening sentence of this pamphlet Dr Fahey writes:

"In this pamphlet I present to my readers a number of serious documents which go to show that the real forces behind Bolshevism are Jewish forces; and that Bolshevism is really an instrument in the hands of the Jews for the establishment of their future Messianic kingdom."

Dr. Fahey then adduces an interesting volume of evidence. On page 1 he gives also the following passage by Mr. Hilaire Belloc, taken from the latter's Weekly, dated 4th February, 1937:

"As for anyone who does not know that the present revolutionary Bolshevist movement in Russia is Jewish, I can only say that he must be a man who is taken in by the suppression of our deplorable Press."

Other authorities quoted in the pamphlet include Dr. Homer, D. Sc., Count Leon de Poncins in his Contre-Revolution, and evidence given on 12th February, 1919, before a Committee of the United States Senate by the Rev. George A. Simons, Superintendent of the Methodist Episcopal Church in Petrograd from 1907 to October 6th 1918.

The Rev. Mr. Simons stated on this occasion with regard to the Bolshevik Government in Petrograd:

"In December 1918 . . . under the Presidency of a man known as Apfelbaum (Zinoviev) . . . out of 388 members, only 16 happened to be real Russians, and all the rest (with the exception of one man, who is a Negro from North America) were Jews . . . and 265 of these Jews belonging to this Northern Commune Government that is sitting in the old Smolny Institute come from the Lower East Side of New York — 265 of them."

On page 8 Dr Fahey quotes figures showing that in the year 1936:

"The Central Committee of the Communist Party in Moscow, the very centre of International Communism, consisted of 59 members, of whom 56 were Jews, and the other three were married to Jewesses . . . "
"Stalin, present ruler of Russia, is not a Jew, but he took as his second wife the twenty-one year old sister of the Jew L.M. Kaganovitch, his right-hand man, who has been spoken of as his probable or possible successor. Stalin's every movement is made under Jewish eyes."

In addition to these documents there now reached me a quantity of evidence concerning Jewish activities in Great Britain in the shape of subversive organizations of every description, anti-religious, anti-moral, revolutionary, and those working to establish the Jewish system of financial and industrial monopoly.

Thus I became finally convinced of the fact that the Russian and Spanish revolutions, and the subversive societies in Britain, were part and parcel of the one and the same Plan, secretly operated and controlled by World Jewry, exactly on the lines laid down in the Protocols of the Elders of Zion, filed in the British Museum in 1906 (which had been reproduced soon after the last war by The Morning Post, and from which this newspaper never recovered).

These Protocols are no forgery, and I and others could supply evidence to that effect that would convince any impartial Tribunal.

At the next meeting of the patriotic and Christian societies, I felt in duty bound to broach the Jewish question; and realized, very soon, that there had come a parting of the ways. With very few exceptions our co-operation ceased.

I realized that if anything was to be done, some special group would have to be formed which, while retaining the essential characteristics of the former one, would take up the task of opposing and exposing the Jewish menace. It was then that the idea of the Right Club originated, though the actual formation did not actually come about till some months later, in May 1939.

From the autumn of 1938 onwards, I spent many hours a week talking to back-benchers and members of the Government alike on these subjects.

The very magnitude of the issues involved put many off. One particular rejoinder typifies in my recollection this sort of attitude:

"Well, that is all very disturbing, awful, in fact: but what is one to do about it? I shall go off now and try and forget all about it as soon as possible."

About the end of 1938, news was brought to me that the control shares of the Daily Mail were for sale.

Knowing that a severe advertisement boycott had been put in operation against the paper following upon its having printed two or three articles giving what in Internationalist eyes had been a pro-Franco view of the Spanish War (in reality, the truth), the news was no great surprise to me.

Could I find a buyer? I decided to approach a certain very wealthy and patriotic peer, the head of a great business. A mutual friend arranged an interview.

On introduction I gave a survey of the activities and power of Organized Jewry in general, and of their secret publicity control in Britain in particular, as I saw it. When I ended after some 70 minutes, general concurrence in my views was expressed.

Thereupon the mutual friend and I tried to persuade our hearer to buy the said shares and "tear the gag off the conspiracy of silence." He replied:

"I daren't. They would bring me to a crust of bread. If it was only myself, I wouldn't mind; I'd fight them. But many of my shares are held by the widow and the orphan, and for their sakes I must refuse."

On our expressing astonishment that Jewry could inflict such crushing retaliation on a man of his financial strength and industrial power, and so conspicuous a national figure, he gave us details of just such retaliation directed against him by Organized Jewry some years previously.

He had refused to comply with some demands they had made of him affecting his works. After a final warning, which he ignored, a world boycott had been started against him, which had become effective in 24 hours, wherever he had agents or offices. Fires and strikes also mysteriously occurred. The resulting losses had finally compelled him to give in.

Within 24 hours the boycott was lifted all over the world.

The consistent mis-reporting of important features in the Spanish Civil War had deeply impressed many M.P.s. They felt that a bias so extreme, so universal, and so consistent, always against Franco, indicated the existence of some deliberate plan, and though unwilling to agree my thesis, that the Jews were operating this control by various means, and that the whole affair was part of their World Plan, nevertheless many felt that something was very wrong somewhere.

In the course of these conversations I obtained the support of Members of all parties to the Bill I was preparing in this connection.

On December 13th, 1938, I introduced the Bill entitled COMPANIES ACT AMENDMENT BILL, which made it compulsory for shares in Newspapers and News Agencies to be held in the actual names of the holders, instead of the names of nominees as is done now in the majority of cases.

The Bill received a First Reading by 151 votes to 104. In the Aye Lobby were Members of all parties, including 13 Right Hon. Gentlemen 98 of these Socialists).

In the No Lobby were messrs. Rothschild, Schuster, Shinwell, Cazalet, Gallacher, Sir A. Sinclair, Gluckstein, and Mr. Samuel Storey opposed, also blocked the Bill; and seemed suitable for that role.

I now took the decision to proceed at once with the formation of a group similar in character to the group of representatives of Christian and patriotic societies, which I had worked with up to the emergence of the Jewish problem; but this time a group which would place opposition to that menace in the forefront of its activities.

Mr. Cross was the Secretary, and the late duke of Wellington, President of the Liberty Restoration League, was the Chairman at most of the few meetings we held. The first object of the Right Club was to enlighten the Tory Party and clear it from any Jewish control.

Organized Jewry was now clearly out for World War. The failure of their International Brigade in Spain, and the growing exposure of themselves, and the consequent risk of total collapse of their plan rendered immediate war from their point of view imperative.

In July 1939 I had an interview with the Prime Minister. I dealt with the Russian Revolution, and the part Jewry had played in it; and with the Spanish Revolution, prepared and carried out on similar lines by much the same people; with the subversive societies in Britain, and the Press and news control existing in this country.

I finally drew the Prime Minister's attention to the underground work that was going on with the object of overthrowing his peace policy and himself, and precipitating the war.

Mr. chamberlain considered that charges of so grave and far-reaching a character would require very substantial documentary proof. I decided to collect documentary proof which would make it possible for action to be taken.

The outbreak of war enabled the Jews to give their activities the cloak of patriotism. Their press power enabled them to portray those opposing their designs and exposing them as pro-Nazi, and disloyal to Britain.

The difficulty I was faced with was that while I was in duty bound to warn the country against the consequences of a policy influenced by Organized Jewry and opposed to British interests, I, at the same time, did not want to create difficulties for Mr. Chamberlain.

It was decided therefore, that the Right Club should close down for the duration. The spirit of the Club naturally led the younger members to join the Services, wherein they have served with distinction on most fronts. It was in keeping with the same spirit that others not so engaged, should continue to fight the internal enemy, no less formidable than the Axis Powers and in a way more dangerous, owing to his secret methods and the fact that he can work from within as well as from without.

To this end, therefore, I and others in an individual capacity disseminated on occasion some leaflets of mine called Do You Know? and Have You Noticed?; my verses beginning "Land of dope and Jewry", and some anti-Jewish stickers. This was with the idea of educating the public sufficiently to maintain the atmosphere in which the "phoney" war, as it was called, might be converted into an honourable negotiated peace.

It was certainly not defeatist, as Jewish propaganda tried to make out. It was not we of the Right Club who were holding back from the fighting Services in this war, any more than in that last; quite the contrary.

I was determined to make further efforts to convince Mr. Chamberlain, and even perhaps the 1922 Committee, of the truth of my case, and thus avert total war, and commenced reinforcing the documentary evidence already in my possession.  

By January 1940, I had details of nearly thirty subversive societies working on various revolutionary and corrosive lines, and had completed a very large chart, showing the principal members of each.

Six names stood out clearly, as a sort of interlocking directorate. They were Prof. H. Laski, Mr. Israel Moses Sieff, Prof. Herman Levy, Mr. Victor Gollancz, Mr. D.N. Pritt, M.P., and Mr. G.R. Strauss, M.P.

In February 1940, on my arrival in London, I was handed the literature of a new group, who were advocating FEDERAL UNION. The list of supporters' names was startling. It might have been copied from the chart I had just completed. There could be no mistake as to the source of this scheme. Later, when this group became active, I put down the following questions:

Captain Ramsay asked the Prime Minister whether he could assure the House that the creation of a Federal Union of the European States is not one of the war aims of H.M.'s Government.

Mr. Butler (on May 9th) gave a non-committal reply. To this I asked the following supplementary:

Captain Ramsey: Is my right Hon. Friend aware that this plan, if adopted, will arouse hostility against us in almost the whole of Europe, who look upon it as the setting up of a Judeo-Masonic super-State?

(Note — The Protocols of the Elders of Zion make it clear that World Jewry and Orient Masonry will set up just such a regime after the Gentile States have been reduced by War and Revolutions to hewers of wood and drawers of water.)

   Mr. Butler: I would rather leave my Hon. Friend's interpretation of this plan to him.

  A virulent Press campaign was now in full swing to suppress "Anti-Semitic" views and activities by declaring that "Anti-Semitism" was pro-Nazi. Fearing less the Home Secretary might be inclined into this direction, which was a false direction, I asked him on May 9th, 1940:

Captain Ramsay: Whether he will give an assurance that care will be taken, both in the administration of the present regulations, and in framing revised ones, that a distinction is made between anti-Semitism and pro-Nazism?

Sir J. Anderson: I hope that any restrictive measures applied to organized propaganda may in practice be confined to such propaganda as is calculated to impede the war effort; and from that point of view I cannot recognize as relevant the distinction which My. Hon. and Gallant Friend seeks to draw.

Captain Ramsay: while think my Right Hon. Friend for his reply, in view of the fact that he seems somewhat confused on this point, will he assure the House that he refuses to be stampeded into identifying the two things by a ramp in our Jew-ridden press?

Sir J. Anderson: There is no question of my being stampeded into anything.

It was in the last weeks of Mr. Chamberlain's Premiership that I was enabled to look through some of the U.S. Embassy papers at Mr. Kent's flat. This then was the position, and these were the considerations which led me to inspect them.

1 — Together with many members of both Houses of Parliament, I was fully aware that among the agencies here and abroad, which had been actively engaged in promoting bad feeling between Great Britain and Germany, Organized Jewry, for obvious reasons, had played a leading part.

2 — I knew the U.S.A. to be the headquarters of Jewry, and therefore the real, though not apparent, centre of their activity.

3 — I was aware that Federal Union was the complement in international affairs of the scheme of Political and Economic Planning (P.E.P.). The Chairman of P.E.P. is Mr. Israel Moses Sieff, who is also Vice-Chairman of the Zionist Federation and Grand Commander of the Order of Maccabeans) designed to bring about Bolshevism by stealth in the sphere of industry and commerce, and that it must be regarded as the Super-State, which is one of the principal objectives of International Jewry.

4 — I recognized that plans for establishing Marxist Socialism under Jewish control in this country were far advanced. As to their intentions, there could be no doubt.

5 — I knew that the technique of International Jewry is always to plan the overthrow at critical junctures of any national leader who seriously opposes some essential part of their designs, as for instance Mr. Chamberlain had done by adhering to his policy of pacification, and that in this case Mr. Chamberlain's fall would precipitate total war. I remembered that Mr. Lloyd George had said in the House of Commons, that if we were let in for a war over Poland without the help of Russia, we should be walking into a trap. We walked into that trap.

Further information as to its origin, design, and ultimate objective, would have strengthened Mr. Chamberlain's hand, and would have enabled him to take the appropriate counter-measures.

As a Member of Parliament, still loyal to Mr. Chamberlain, I considered it my duty to investigate.

     About the 9th or 10th of May I went to Scotland for a fortnight's rest, having seen only a part of the documents, and intending to resume my investigations on my return.

Before I could conclude them, however, Mr. Chamberlain had fallen from office, and I was arrested a few days later on the steps of my house, when I returned to London on the 23rd May, 1940.

I am appending the Particulars, alleged as Reasons for my detention, and my comments thereon.


Brixton Prison,

August 23rd, 1943

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